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Safeguarding the Statistical Evidence for Refugee and Migration Policy

How Funding Cuts Are Eroding the Knowledge Base

SWP Comment 2026/C 46, 03.11.2026, 8 Pages

doi:10.18449/2026C46

Research Areas

Deep funding cuts within the United Nations system and across international cooperation budgets are undermining the evidence base for refugee and migration policy. The main concern in migration statistics is the erosion of statistical infrastructure. Scaling back national censuses and surveys and reducing international capacity to process and harmonise the resulting data makes global estimates less timely and less detailed. In the case of forced displacement, the cuts affect a largely project-funded data ecosystem that was already in need of structural reform. Rather than trying to preserve as many data activities as possible, Germany and the EU should protect core statistical functions, strengthen national and regional capacity, and link data collection funding more closely to demonstrated needs, national ownership and institutional coordination. Decisions about which data to preserve will determine which dimensions of migration and displacement remain politically visible.

Figures on irregular border crossings, asy­lum applications, returns and new dis­placements are central to the political and public debate on refugee and migration issues. Governments and humanitarian organisations use them to plan public-sector capacity and humanitarian assistance, and to assess the impact of measures such as border management and cooperation with transit countries. Data collection is there­fore much more than a mere technical matter. The categories selected and pheno­mena measured shape how policymakers define problems and set priorities, influ­encing where attention is directed. The evi­dence base also matters for foreign and devel­opment policy, informing resource alloca­tion and cooperation with partner countries, as well as assessments of progress towards durable solutions in protracted displacement situations.

When budgets shrink, the question is not just how much data is lost, but which types. Aggregate stock and flow data are relatively resilient because their collection is often institutionalised and standardised, and because they are comparatively easy to combine with other data types. More resource-intensive information-gathering – for example working and living conditions, disaggregated by sex, age and disability – is more likely to be cut. The result is a stronger focus on short-term management, migration control and basic services, while protection needs and longer-term social and economic disadvantages become harder to quantify.

Where exactly the gaps emerge depends largely on how the data is collected and processed, and how the work is funded. Glo­bal migration statistics are compiled from harmonised national sources. So funding cuts tend to have indirect and delayed effects, weakening the statistical foundations of global estimates and time series. Displacement data, on the other hand, is often collected directly in the course of humanitarian operations, and is therefore affected more immediately. Each of the two fields requires its own policy response.

Migration: an eroding statistical foundation

The production of global migration statis­tics involves a division of labour between national and international institutions. The underlying demographic and social data comes mainly from censuses, population registers and representative large-scale household surveys, in particular specialised migration surveys. At the international level, different organisations perform dis­tinct roles. The population division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) uses national sources to prepare internationally comparable estimates of migrant stocks. The Inter­national Labour Organization (ILO) com­bines these and other sources to estimate the size and composition of the migrant labour force worldwide. The World Bank compiles remittance data and analyses the links between migration and development.

This division of labour leaves the system vulnerable to cuts at several points. A UN survey of national statistical offices in low- and middle-income countries illustrates the impact: 69 percent had experienced fund­ing reductions between January and Decem­ber 2025, affecting an average of four planned or ongoing surveys in each case. The effects extend beyond national statis­tical systems to the international compilation and harmonisation of their data. When national surveys are cut back, international organisations lose up-to-date source data. When their own capacity is reduced, they are also less able to fill gaps, validate national inputs or ensure comparability across coun­tries. Cuts can moreover eliminate coordi­nating structures and specialised surveys.

In preparing the 2024 edition of its International Migrant Stock dataset, the UN DESA population division fully reassessed the estimates for 60 countries and areas on the basis of new empirical data, and extra­polated the 2020 estimates for the remainder. Missing national updates are now exacerbated by processing bottlenecks at the international level. In September 2025, almost a quarter of the positions in the population division were vacant. A sub­sequent internal UN audit found that these vacancies delayed and restricted the divi­sion’s outputs. For the next edition of Inter­national Migrant Stock, it was decided to postpone the updating of age-disaggregated estimates.

These bottlenecks also affect the ILO labour migration statistics, which depend on age-disaggregated UN DESA data. The ILO’s global estimates draw on national sources that must be compiled, checked for comparability and harmonised. Budget cuts have reduced the specialist staff available for this work, making it harder to validate national data and convert it into internationally comparable datasets. At the same time, international migration data from the 2020 census round remains incomplete or insufficiently processed, disseminated and integrated in updated national sampling frames in a number of countries. The win­dow for closing these gaps is narrowing as preparations for the 2030 census round are already under way. If survey cycles are interrupted, reporting and coordination processes with national authorities, that have been built over many years, may be disrupted. Reestablishing them later is both difficult and costly.

Gaps are also emerging in the migration and development data compiled by the World Bank. Although global remittance data continues to be published, important quality assurance, methodological development and international coordination functions were lost when the World Bank-hosted Global Knowledge Partnership on Migration and Development (KNOMAD) ended in 2024. RemitStat, the international working group established to improve remittance statistics, also lost its funding.

The data gap is especially pronounced for migrant workers’ recruitment costs. With KNOMAD’s support, the ILO and the World Bank developed standards and tools for Sustainable Development Goal indicator 10.7.1. The indicator measures the recruit­ment costs borne by workers as a share of their income in the destination country, showing how high recruitment costs impede fair labour migration and limit migration’s contribution to development. The methodology was designed in collaboration with national statistical offices and piloted in several countries. Since KNOMAD ended, however, there has been no comparable mechanism for compiling this data inter­nationally. As a result, global availability of SDG 10.7.1 figures remains extremely limited. The agreed indicator and methodology survive, but the data they require is no longer collected systematically.

Across these cases, essential data series have not disappeared; instead, they are gradually being thinned out. Up-to-date, disaggregated source data is becoming scarcer, quality-assurance capacity is declin­ing, methodological improvements are being postponed and specialised data collec­tions discontinued. The information most at risk is precisely what aggregate figures on migrant stocks do not capture: who migrates, under what conditions, and how the costs of migration and its economic benefits are distributed.

Displacement: funding cuts and a fragmented system

A large proportion of data on forced dis­placement is collected through humanitarian programmes and operations. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) registers refugees and asylum-seekers, while the International Organization for Migration (IOM) records displacement and mobility in its Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM), usually relying on local data collection teams. These sources are complemented by needs assessments from other humanitarian actors and by official statistics and administrative data. Cuts to projects, field missions or staff therefore translate directly into a reduction in the scope, frequency and depth of data collection.

Funding cuts in recent years now directly affect this data infrastructure. In early 2026, UNHCR and IOM reported reductions of around 40 percent in staff working on data. In some settings, local data collection networks built over many years have been dismantled. Funding shortfalls have forced IOM to scale back DTM data collection sharply: geographical and/or temporal cover­age has been reduced in several countries, and some activities have ceased altogether. In Somalia, for example, Emergency Trend Tracking coverage fell from 25 districts to five in 2025. Individual registration of refu­gees and asylum-seekers, to record identity and basic personal data, has also been severely affected. By the end of 2025, fund­ing and staffing shortages meant that around 934,000 people in West and Central Africa had not been individually registered by UNHCR. Although they may still be included in the aggregate population figures, without individual registration the personal data needed for documentation, protection and needs-based assistance is lacking. More resource-intensive household surveys, protection analyses and repeat surveys of income, education or health are also being reduced. The upshot is a widening gap between what is known about the scale of displacement and what is known about living conditions and protection risks.

The cuts are hitting a data system that was already fragmented. Humanitarian data collection is dispersed across organisations, mandates and project budgets. Even before the current cuts, duplication and institutional rivalry had been flagged as structural weaknesses of the humanitarian data ecosystem. Yet parallel data collection in the same area is not inherently inefficient: a community-level DTM assessment and a representative household survey on income or protection risks answer different questions. Inefficiencies arise when identi­cal or similar information is collected more than once or when projects produce “single-use” datasets that are methodologically or technically difficult to combine with other data and serve no purpose after the project ends.

Institutional misincentives add to the problem. Project funding can encourage organisations to expand their own data products and present them to donors as a distinct service. Research on IOM has described this process as “data entrepreneurship”: data collection evolving from a by-product of operational work into a service in its own right for governments, donors and humanitarian organisations.

Funding cuts thus intensify three existing problems. First, project and organisational incentives can generate new surveys without a systematic assessment of the information that is actually required. Second, in protracted displacement situ­ations project-financed international surveys often continue without being ade­quately integrated into national statistical and monitoring systems. Third, the num­ber of actors involved makes it harder to estab­lish a clear division of labour and reuse existing data. Addressing these prob­lems requires context-specific assessments of data needs, national ownership and ins­titutional coordination.

Context-specific assessment of data needs

Whether additional data should be col­lected, and what kind, depends first of all on the intended purpose. Establishing how many people have been newly displaced and where they are located demands simp­ler methods than assessing whether dis­placed households face lasting disadvan­tages in access to employment, edu­cation or healthcare. Nor does every appar­ent data gap require new data collection: relevant information may already exist but be diffi­cult to access or combine with other sour­ces, or it may not yet have been analysed sufficiently to answer the question at hand. Before commissioning further data collec­tion, actors should first determine what information is genuinely missing, which existing sources can be used and at what scale and level of detail new data is required.

National ownership

National ownership does not mean that public authorities must collect all data themselves. It means that national actors are involved in defining data needs and standards, able to use the results for their own planning and monitoring, and capable of integrating relevant data structures into their national systems where this is metho­dologically sound and consistent with pro­tection considerations. In acute crises, inter­national organisations can complement or temporarily replace data collection by national authorities, if the latter lack the requisite access or capacity. Purely project-based parallel structures reach their limits in situations of protracted displacement, however.

Assessing progress towards durable solutions for refugees and internally dis­placed persons requires data to be collected repeatedly over time and, wherever pos­sible, comparable with data for the rest of the population. In fragile settings, such evidence also matters for development, peacebuilding and social stability: without comparable data, it is difficult to determine whether economic participation, access to public services and social cohesion are improving. Yet this evidence often remains incomplete. Refugees and internally dis­placed persons are frequently excluded from national surveys, underrepresented or impossible to identify separately. Where this is the case, the continuity of relevant time series depends more heavily on individ­ual projects, usually financed through humanitarian assistance or development cooperation. The recommendations of the Expert Group on Refugee, IDP and State­lessness Statistics (EGRISS) provide an inter­nationally agreed framework for better including and identifying refugees and internally displaced persons in national statistics.

Somalia shows how data on displaced people can gradually be integrated into national statistics. The national statistical office included internal displacement in its statistical strategy for 2024–2029 and expanded its working group on migration statistics to cover the issue. It also plans to improve the identification of internally displaced persons in regular health, labour market and household surveys.

Mozambique illustrates how difficult meaningful government involvement can be in practice. UN actors developed several sets of indicators to monitor progress towards durable solutions for internally displaced persons. The indicators were neither fully aligned with one another nor adequately aligned with the government’s requirements for monitoring its national strategy on internal displacement. An ana­lysis of the existing monitoring framework therefore recommended that indicators and concepts be agreed jointly with the respon­sible authorities and linked directly to government monitoring. As the example shows, the relevant national authorities need to be involved from the outset in defining data requirements and standards, if the resulting information is to be of use for their own monitoring.

Institutional coordination

Effective institutional coordination requires a clear distinction between different types of data activity and the purposes they serve. Registration, movement tracking, protection monitoring and representative house­hold surveys answer different questions and generate information for different operational and policy needs. Large data collec­tion systems such as the DTM provide broad coverage, regular updates and comparable baseline information across many crises. Specialised data and analysis organisations perform complementary roles. These in­clude the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), the Joint Internal Displacement Profiling Service (JIPS) and the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC). IDMC collates and analyses information on inter­nal displacement worldwide; JIPS combines profiling and methodological development with efforts to strengthen national and subnational data systems; MMC through its 4Mi system continuously collects data on pro­tection risks, reasons for relocation, and the experiences of refugees and migrants on mixed migration routes. Rather than seek­ing comprehensive operational coverage, these organisations provide analytical depth, develop new methods and address specific knowledge gaps. This complementarity is precisely why coordination should not be equated with centralisation: it depends on a clear division of responsibilities, common definitions, documented methods and interoperable systems that allow data to be reused beyond individual projects.

Both UNHCR and IOM stress the need for coordinated and complementary data col­lection to address different information needs while avoiding unnecessary duplication. The challenge lies in the implementation: project-based funding and organisation-specific reporting requirements may continue to encourage duplicate surveys. With resources scarce, targeted prioritisation is more effective than across-the-board cuts. Otherwise, geographical coverage may shrink, intervals between surveys may lengthen and analytical capacity may be lost.

Whether cuts leave a data system leaner but still viable depends on whether funding decisions reflect identified needs, national ownership and institutional coordination. Ongoing consolidation and reform efforts should be judged by the same standards.

Consolidation amid funding constraints

Funding cuts have lent additional urgency to wider reform efforts in the UN system and the humanitarian sector. These include initiatives to consolidate data systems at three levels: technical integration through shared infrastructure and standards, institutional coordination across organisations and borders, and organisational consolidation through mergers.

The first level concerns technical integration. UN System Data Commons, launched in September 2026, brings together publicly available data from many UN entities, making it easier to find, link and use. In parallel, the Humanitarian Data Collaborative, pursued under the UN80 initiative, aims to strengthen common platforms as well as shared standards, analytical capacity and funding arrangements. Both initiatives have the potential to reduce fragmentation and improve the use of existing data. A better-integrated data infrastructure would particularly benefit areas of analysis that combine multiple sources, such as human mobility in the context of climate change and natural disasters. Yet infrastructure cannot replace data production. If a survey is cancelled, a time series terminated or a field presence lost, better shared systems cannot recreate the missing information. New digital data sources and AI-supported methods have raised considerable hopes of filling such gaps cheaply and at scale, but these expectation should not be overstated. Digital sources can provide additional information, and AI-supported methods can make it easier to process, link and analyse large datasets, but neither can replace missing primary data. The reliability of AI-supported analysis depends on the avail­ability, quality and comparability of the underlying data.

A second level concerns more effective institutional and cross-border coordination. The route-based approach developed by UNHCR and IOM seeks to connect interventions more closely across countries of ori­gin, transit, asylum and destination, in the process closing information gaps between countries and organisations. This requires the alignment of different mandates, methods and data-protection rules. With resources scarce, however, data collection may concentrate on politically prominent routes and easily measured movements.

The third level is organisational consolidation. Outside the United Nations, the merger of JIPS and IDMC, which was com­pleted in August 2026, brings together global analysis of internal displacement with profiling, methodological development and support for national data sys­tems. The key question is not which struc­tures are merged or cut, but whether spe­cific functions continue to be performed reliably and coordinated effectively.

What Germany and the EU can do

With funding constraints likely to be struc­tural rather than temporary, preserving all existing data activities is not a viable option; nor should consolidation be assumed to generate benefits automatically. Germany and the EU should safeguard core statistical functions, strengthen national and regional structures, and ensure that reforms do not erode the essential functions. Funding deci­sions should start by asking what informa­tion is needed, who is best placed to produce it and how the results can remain usable over time.

Secure core statistical functions

The routine but essential work that keeps international statistics current, comparable and reliable is especially vulnerable to funding cuts. This includes processing, validating and harmonising national data, maintaining global data series, and devel­oping methods and standards. Germany and the EU should use their positions in multilateral bodies and their funding decisions to secure reliable, predictable support for this work. Priorities include the statistical work of UN DESA and the ILO, as well as efforts to address the gaps in remit­tance and recruitment-cost statistics that emerged after KNOMAD ended. Funding should sustain these core tasks and quality standards rather than preserve individual projects unchanged. Predictable funding would also protect specialist expertise, insti­tutional memory and relationships with national data producers that have been built over many years. Once such cooperation ends, rebuilding it requires consid­erable effort.

Strengthen national and regional statistical systems

In the long term, national systems provide the most sustainable foundation for mean­ingful migration and displacement statis­tics. Development cooperation should therefore support them reliably, from cen­suses and administrative data to representative household surveys such as labour force and specialised migration surveys. Where methodologically appropriate, legally pos­sible and consistent with protection con­siderations, regular surveys should identify and adequately represent migrants and, in line with the EGRISS recommendations, refugees and internally displaced persons too. Capacity support must extend beyond data collection to include public authorities’ ability to define information needs, assess external surveys on their technical merits and coordinate them. This would reduce dependence on project-based paral­lel structures and facilitate comparisons with the rest of the population.

Regional organisations can provide a bridge between national statistical systems and global data providers. They can imple­ment common definitions and standards in regional practice, improve cross-border comparability of data and support exchange between statistical offices. The African Union has made improving and harmonising migration data part of its migration policy framework. For Germany, the work of the East African Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) offers a particularly useful point of engagement. With support from the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), IGAD has developed common definitions, stand­ards and guidelines for harmonising migra­tion and displacement data. In regions with extensive cross-border mobility, Germany should make sure to link its support for such regional structures to national capa­city development.

Target funding for humanitarian data collection

Project funding gives donors direct leverage over humanitarian data collection. Ger­many and the EU should assess proposed surveys against three criteria: context-specific need, feasibility of national owner­ship and effective institutional division of labour. Before providing funding, donors should establish what information gaps exist, whether existing sources could fill them, how national authorities will be involved and how the results can be used after the project ends.

Donors should also hold UNHCR, IOM and other organisations to the principles they set out in their own guidance and cooperation agreements. These include reviewing available information, focusing on identifiable needs and ensuring com­plementarity. Project funding and organisation-specific interests can impede implementation, however. Effective donor over­sight therefore requires in-house expertise and coordination among relevant partners: ministries, EU institutions and implementing agencies must be able to assess whether surveys are methodologically sound, whether they overlap with existing activities and how they fit into the wider data architecture. Without this capacity, coordination remains largely in the hands of the data producers themselves and therefore vulnerable to the distortions associated with institutional self-interest.

Preserve core data capabilities during consolidation

The yardstick for judging the ongoing reform and consolidation processes in the refugee and migration data landscape should be the maintenance of operational reach, specialist analysis, methodological development and support for national data systems. Where data is used across insti­tutions and countries, purpose and respon­sibility must be clearly defined. Informa­tion collected for protection and assistance must not be repurposed for border control, screening or return procedures. Consolidation is useful when it eliminates duplication without loss of essential functions, independent analysis or methodological specialisation.

The cuts of the past two years have not made core migration and displacement data disappear. They have, however, changed which information remains available and how complete, timely and reliable it is. In migration statistics, gaps are emerging in both national source data and in their pro­cessing at the international level. In the case of forced displacement, the cuts directly affect project-based data-collection and field presence. In both fields, aggregate figures on stocks and movements are more resilient than detailed information on working and living conditions, protection risks, and changes in income, labour market partici­pation and social inclusion. What matters, therefore, is which functions remain in place and whether there is clear institutional responsibility for carrying them out. This will help determine which dimensions of migration and displacement receive poli­tical attention and inform future decisions.

Dr Anne Koch is a researcher in the Global Issues Research Division. This SWP Comment was written as part of the project “Migration and Displacement in a Shifting Global Order”, funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

SWP

Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik

ISSN (Print) 1861-1761

ISSN (Online) 2747-5107

(English version of SWP‑Aktuell 48/2026)